Race Packet: Part Two
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Issues of Race and Racism: II

Article 2
Race and Gender
 

Copyright © 1998 Association for the Study of Higher Education. All rights reserved.
The Review of Higher Education
Vol. 21 no. 4 (1998) pp. 359-375

 
The Influence of Both Race and Gender on the Experiences of 
African American College Women
Lisa R. Jackson

Introduction and Purpose

A substantial body of literature urges colleges and university to address the issues of cultural and ethnic diversity on their campuses (Jones, 1990; Schlossberg, 1989; Stage & Manning, 1992; Timm & Armstrong, 1995). The reason commonly given is the increasing number of students of color and changing demographics in the country as a whole (Gollnick, 1992; Jones, 1990). Schlossberg (1989) gives the more provocative reason that all students need to feel that they "matter" on their campus. While all students may experience forms of marginality over the course of their time in college, students of color in particular can feel marginalized more often than they feel that they matter. This marginalized experience can negatively affect their academic and social experiences.
            The study described in this article examines the experiences of African American women on four college/university campuses across the country. As students who are defined both by their race and gender, these women and other women of color provide a unique challenge and opportunity for colleges and universities to address the complex issues of diversity in higher education. Often diversity is addressed only within the single category of race/ethnicity. If gender is considered a diversity factor it applies to White women and is a separate concern from race/ethnicity.
            The findings from this study suggest that colleges and universities should reexamine their diversity efforts and consider their students as multifaceted people whose school experiences are not affected only by either their race or their gender but by both their race and their gender (and religion, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, age, etc.). This assertion has been made by others as well. Madrazo-Peterson and Rodriguez (1978) in their discussion of minority students' perceptions of university environments made a set of recommendations for universities seeking to adequately serve their minority students. In addition to providing support services designed for minority students to reduce feelings of isolation, the authors specifically advised, "More programming and role models are need for minority women" (p. 263). This advice is based on their finding that minority women experience more stress than minority men and White students on campus.
            Further focusing on within-group differences, Brown and Barr (1990) employed a developmental perspective in their argument for a more holistic approach to meeting the needs of students. They reminded readers that, even while institutions are trying to meet the needs of students of color, it is important to consider the diversity of needs within that group.
            In their study about the value orientations of successful students, Steward, Gimenez, and Jackson (1995) found important differences within ethnic/racial groups based on gender. They argued that issues relevant for one gender group within a racial/ethnic group may not be relevant for another. This consideration is particularly important when planning student programs. Most campuses develop diversity programs for women or for African Americans without addressing all women or African American men and women (Dillard, 1994) and without recognizing that women of color may be interested in topics different from those of interest to men of color.
            This study challenges the practice of focusing only on race or gender and asks how African American women define their identity in terms of both their race and gender. What is the relationship between race and gender in their definitions of self and in their experiences? Is this relationship influenced by the racial and gender composition of the schools they attend? What can colleges and universities do to better address the needs of these women and other women of color on campus?

Research on African American Women College Students

            In seeking to understand how campus context and students' backgrounds influences success, Allen (1992) examined the academic performance of African American men and women who attended predominantly White colleges and universities (PWCUs) and those who attended historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). His findings suggest that student perceptions of support and responses to various challenges have a greater impact on academic experiences than prior academic achievement.
            Although Allen's study provides a view of college experiences for African American students, he fails to consider some factors. All of the schools in his study are coeducational. As a result, he is unable to describe the experience of an all-women's school as the context for African American women. Regarding the interaction of race and gender for African American women at PWCUs, Allen comments that some of his findings suggest such an interaction effect in terms of student outcomes. However, he states that such an interaction was not the focus of the study, and therefore he does not explore the interaction or its effects, referring readers to his larger study (Allen, Epp, & Haniff, 1991).
            A second example of research that includes African American college women is Fleming's (1984) prominent study comparing the academic and social experiences of African American and White students at eleven PWCUs and seven HBCUs. Fleming found that African American women who attend PWCUs are more socially assertive and independent than those women who attend HBCUs. While they do not show the academic gains of women at HBCUs, they do show gains in their ability to work under pressure, be assertive, act as role models, use coping skills, and focus on career goals. However, African American women who attend PWCUs are often ostracized for their assertiveness, experience more failed relationships, and suffer from greater isolation. Fleming laments the fact that HBCUs, while supporting academic achievement in African American women, undermines their academic motivation and ambition by fostering passivity that serves women in their relationships with men.

Sample

Four schools participated in the study, identified by the pseudonyms of Grant, Berton, Johnson, and Wesson to maintain confidentiality. Two of the schools are historically Black colleges or universities (HBCUs) and two are predominantly White colleges or universities (PWCUs). Two are coeducational, and two are women's colleges. A total of 135 women participated: 41 from Grant College (women's HBCU) participated, 21 from Berton College (women's PWCU), 38 from Johnson University (coeducational HBCU), and 35 from Wesson University (coeducational PWCU). I explicitly solicited the participation of sophomores and juniors under the assumption that they would be most familiar with the school and most likely to be available.
            The majority of women (46.7%) were in their sophomore year and had not transferred from another school to their present school. Only a small number of participants (16%) were the first in their families to ever attend college. Sixty-six percent of participants were employed either on or off campus.
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Core Themes of a Black Woman's Standpoint

Collins's first dimension of Black feminist thought is that some themes are central to the experiences of all African American women by virtue of their race and gender. In analyzing the interview data, I first read through every participant's response. I then identified themes that more than one participant identified. I first looked separately at responses to the questions about what it means to be an African American and what it means to be a woman. After determining themes within these answers, I next looked at the answers to both questions simultaneously for common themes.
            I report here examples from three of these core themes that the interviewees talked about. (See Jackson, 1996, for full report.) All names are pseudonyms. I chose those themes that provided the greatest information directly related to the women's college experiences.
            [....]
        1. Being an African American woman means struggle.
            Women at each school repeatedly mentioned this theme. "Struggle" included being oppressed, working harder than others to be successful, constantly having to prove oneself to others, not being able to complain, fighting negative stereotypes, and fighting battles against racism and discrimination. Dianne, a student at Berton said,
It's another item--it's like another item on the "Reasons the World Should Oppress Dianne" list, or try to oppress. Um, basically that just means that I've got to be aware of that and not fall victim to it. And if that means that I have to work a little harder, then I'm just going to have to work a little harder. 
Karen, another Berton student, told me, "It's like you don't have license to cry. Because, I mean: 'What the hell you complaining about? People have went through worse.' Would you please!"
            Focusing on stereotypes and interactions with other people, Wendy at Wesson expressed struggle this way:
It means having to deal with a lot of negative stereotypes in particular. And I think it's just images people get and then they really don't understand. So, it's totally become a matter of me trying to, I don't know, trying to straighten out, trying to reconstruct some of the notions people have in their heads and trying to set them straight about it. 
Sandra at Johnson talked about the special sweetness that accompanies victory for Black people as a result of the struggle:
But, on the other side, the one side, the Black side, being Black is such a hard struggle, but in the end the results are rainbowy and colorful. Because you've worked so hard and now to look back it's like: "I'm over that. I'm on that mountain top. It's over." 
2. Being an African American woman can be problematic.
            While there is a sense of strength in the struggle, race and gender also present many problems for these women. Many spoke about their futures, expressing concerns about limitations that hamper their efforts to succeed. Several discussed the glass ceiling effect as well as the possibility of being passed over for a job because they are not males. Wendy at Wesson placed the problem of being an African American woman in the context of living in a male-dominated society. As she has come to understand her place in such a society, she also reflected on some of its realities:
I would think that, being a woman has recently meant that--for me it's kind of, in a big way it's kind of been disconcerting because I start to realize, like, the kind of society I'm in and the kind of world that I am [in] and I start to realize, you know, I mean, it really bites for women. I mean, everything is just like over here with the male-dominated power structures and it's like, "Okay, how easy access am I going to have to that?" So, realize that there's a glass ceiling. You're only going to get this far. 
In addition to recognizing that their future opportunities will be limited, a few women raised the issue that others would accuse them of not deserving positions and opportunities they had really earned. Tricia at Wesson gave the example of fellow students who accused her of being at Wesson because of affirmative action. Her response was that affirmative action may have gotten her into Wesson, but it was not keeping her at Wesson. In other words, her academic success was due to her own work and efforts to be a successful student at Wesson--not to affirmative action.
            Another issue that is a challenge for Black women is making sure that they don't forget or deny the larger Black community. Most of the women interviewed were intent on becoming successful. At the same time, they were aware that within the Black community success can mean "selling out." Lawann, who is studying to be a pharmacist, told me how, as an African American woman, she experiences pressure from both the African American community and from the White mainstream community:
When you're Black going out there everyone's thinking, especially as professional, "Oh well, they're just going to go and they're going to just forget where they came from and all that." And so you have to deal with the White people looking at you funny anyway, and then you know the Blacks in your community [are] trying to downgrade you. 
A final example of how being African American can be problematic comes from the dilemma of being called on to represent the race. While in some ways African American women see this as a burden they must handle, others resent being a "spokesperson for Black people." The dilemma often has to do with whether to be token and "represent the race," or to turn down education or employment opportunities. Dianne at Berton explained:
Well, I guess, it's--it's a catch 22. Because I plan to be successful, and I plan to be on top of everything; therefore they will want me even if I am that token. But then it's-- it's, "Well, Dianne, do you want to be that token? Do you want to fulfill their role?" Or is it going to be, "Dianne, will you fulfill that role, do what you have to?" and you do your thing and, you know, make it work for you. But that's a headache. 
3. Being an African American woman means being conscious.
            Having a consciousness about being an African American woman means being aware of how the larger society might perceive you. Dianne at Berton said:
It's--it's really hard, because when you're in a situation-- at least, I find myself doing this now because I'm much more conscious and aware than when I used to be--and I'm thinking, "What is she thinking? How is she interpreting this?" 
Consciousness means explicit identification with being African American, an identity that offers a conceptual framework with which to interpret the world. Consciousness means being political and reserving energy for battles that can be won. Being conscious about being an African American also includes wishing that you were not so conscious. Regina, a student at Wesson, repeatedly mentioned her own struggle with balancing her role as a "conscious" African American and being a student at a PWCU:
You know, if you're conscious that you're Black and you understand what's going on you just, either you have struggle to be like the "Invisible Man," and just go hide. And I think that's something that a lot of Black people do struggle with. 
Further,
I'm Black. I got work to do. I can't just be a student and be content with that and be happy with myself because I know--'cause I know better. And a lot of times I wish that I just didn't know. That's why I look at those White people on [the] Plaza and I'm like, I wish, I just wish all I had to worry about is class and who's zoomin' who. 

Variation of Responses to Core Themes

The second dimension of Black feminist thought recognizes the diversity of responses by African American women to core themes. In this instance, the interviewees' responses showed variations by school. Attending an HBCU rather than a PWCU seems to have an influence on how women talk about who they are as African American women. Women at Johnson most often referred to the struggle in being African American women in terms of the larger society where they will have to deal with racial discrimination and racism. However, Johnson currently offers a safe place to be Black. Most of the women chose Johnson because it is an HBCU, expecting that it would nurture and support them as African Americans. For most of the Johnson women, the school has met this expectation. Kelly told me how she always wanted to attend Johnson and that it is a place where she has learned about herself as an African American woman:
Well, I always wanted to come to Johnson and my sister wanted to come to Johnson, and you know it's a Black school. It's really--it's everything that I thought it would be, like, about, you know, about forming your identity and really learning about who you are. 
Berton and Wesson women, though they also mentioned struggle, spoke more often about their consciousness as African American women as it was informed by struggle. Sometimes the struggle was with White students and negative conceptions of African Americans. At other times, the struggle was framed in more personal terms: "How do I not lose who I am as an African American and also be successful in the larger society?" Being at PWCUs these women are also confronted with the issue of being a woman who is different from what the school environment considers "woman." Lori cites her disappointment at coming to Berton and finding out she did not fit the school's model of "woman":
And, and then, um, people hear that Berton, "Oh! All women? We can always be women here." But the archetype, the prototype for a woman is a White woman. A White straight woman--like that. So if you happen to be African American, Latino, or Chinese, and you happen to be bi or questioning or queer, oh my gosh, just forget it. 
Cynthia at Wesson had at one point considered a major in feminist studies. However, as she began to explore that possibility she found there was no room in the major for her to study the woman she was--an African American woman:
When I was thinking about doing feminist studies I took a few courses in it. But I was really disappointed because I think the feminist movement has really excluded women of color in a lot of respects. And so, and I think, it's always been a question of, "Well, you're a woman." But it's like I can't. No, I'm a Black woman and that's really a unique experience. 

Summary of Qualitative Findings

These excerpts from interviews show clearly how both race and gender are important and related constructs within the self-concept of African American women. The core themes of struggle, problem, and consciousness represent only a snapshot of what being an African American woman means to these participants on these campuses. The racial and gender composition of schools strongly influences the options available for these women to experience both their gender and racial identity. Women at Johnson find strength in who they are as both African Americans and as women. Women at Berton and Wesson spend much of their energy fighting race-based stereotypes and demanding to be identified, recognized, and respected for both their race and gender. In addition, women at these two schools feel the burden of proving to White students, faculty, and administrators that they are academically qualified to be on campus. At all three of the campuses, African American women struggle to not lose a connection with their racial/ethnic community while simultaneously they strive for success and recognition in the larger society.


Limitations

In considering the findings of this study, it is important to recognize its limitations. First, neither the schools or the participants chosen for this study were randomly selected. I selected schools that were easily accessible to me and that had the racial and gender composition I wished to study. Participants volunteered for both the questionnaire and the interview. Though the findings should be considered by all campuses, the experiences of the women in this study should not be generalized to all African American college women at all colleges.
            One of the major claims of this study is that the institutions are largely responsible for the experiences of their students. As mentioned earlier, students bring a range of individual characteristics and experiences to college that affect their college experiences as well as their perceptions of the college they attend. Though the findings in this study are consistent within and across schools, individual characteristics should be considered in the interpretation and application of these findings.


Discussion

To summarize the findings of this study, I return to the study questions posited earlier. First, both race and gender are present within the self-concept of African American college women. Evidence for this finding is in the mean scores of the MEIM, the GIM, and the TST responses. Specifically African American women at women's colleges have strong ethnic and gender identities. They also more frequently identify both race and gender as having priority within their self-concept. Women at Wesson, the co-ed PWCU, had the lowest GIM scores and more frequently specified race and gender as separate characteristics.
            As for the relationship between race and gender and the variations across campus types, women at all of the schools except Wesson most often experience race and gender as related constructs within their self-concepts. Women at Wesson, however, tend to separate race from gender. This response can be explained by the racial and gender composition of Wesson and the lack of effort it makes to serve African American women. As a predominantly White coeducational institution, Wesson is in a position to consider diversity in terms of race and gender. However, the programs offered treat these constructs as separate factors. Programs for women are geared and organized with White women in mind. Programs for African Americans are developed for the racial group as a whole without differentiating student needs by gender. Cynthia, cited earlier, gave a perfect example of the results when she concluded that there was no space for her experiences as an African American within Wesson's women's studies program.
            Women at Berton had the same feeling that White women were the model women. Like Wesson, Berton is a predominantly White campus. The fact that it is a women's college does provide a space for African American women to claim their gender as part of their identity. However, it fails to support these women's efforts to experience the connection between their race and gender. This failure came through clearly in the Berton interviews where women pointed to the struggles they have in being different from the "archetype" of women as White women considered on the campus.
            While it may appear that Johnson is the "model" school, since it supports the women there in their identification as both women and African Americans, it is important to realize that the campus does not provide unique programming for women on campus. Though it has a few courses specifically related to women (e.g., Black women in America, history of women in social science, psychology of women) there is no women's studies major or minor or a women's center. In fact, it seemed that gender was so blended with race that many women had not explored the meaning of their gender in the same way that they had been able explore issues of their race. This limitation can be problematic if the campus also does not provide opportunities for women to challenge sexist practices or practices that reduce women's access to certain services and academic programming.
            The interview data provide an understanding of how the relationship between race and gender is manifested at each of the schools. It also offers a view into the psychological and emotional work done by African American women in college to maintain a strong sense of self.


Implications for Higher Education

One of the clear findings from this study is that the race and gender composition of a college or university can influence a woman's self-perception. Whether she is able to maintain a self-concept in which race and gender are connected affects how she sees herself. The fact that African American women feel they must choose their race over their gender at PWCUs strongly suggests that these schools are doing an inadequate job of supporting these women. While schools may offer an abundance of gender-related resources, as Cynthia at Berton indicated, if the "archetype" of woman is White woman, these resources offer little if anything to African American women. In addition, by supporting only a woman's race, the college leaves her to assume that race has been and always will be the most important factor affecting her life and that only in her race can she find confidence, power, and strength. This assumption means that she is less able to access her gender (when gender is equated with being White), which could provide her support in situations where her race is not salient or where it is negatively perceived by others.
            What can colleges and universities do to better support African American women's self-concept regarding both race and gender? In a review of diversity efforts aimed at meeting the needs of women, Kunkel (1994) points to women's centers as places where gender and race/ethnicity can be addressed. Centers at the University of Oregon and the University of Virginia make an extra effort to be inclusive when developing programming. The University of Virginia maintains a committee on women of color in an attempt to pay special attention to their needs and concerns.
            Summarizing the findings from the National Study of Student Learning, Pascarella, Whitt, Nora, Edison, Hagedorn, and Terenzini (1996) point to HBCUs as places for PWCUs to look for ways to improve their diversity efforts. While clearly, the racial composition is not the same, Pascarella and his colleagues ask if there are ways for PWCUs to create environments that support intellectual growth in much the same ways as HBCUs. They point to a group of programs at Xavier University in New Orleans, Louisiana, that support academic achievement in the sciences and provide structural support for social and psychological development. Such programs can serve as models for PWCUs. I would add that HBCUs can also learn from those PWCUs maintaining women's centers that meet the needs of women of color.
            Dillard (1994) makes the following suggestion for how colleges and universities can meet the needs of African American women: "Inclusiveness must be evident in the decision-making and sharing of power in educational systems" (p. 17). While it is important for schools to identify diversity as central to their philosophy, they must also be willing to share the decision-making power with women of color. For example, they can invite women of color to join decision-making committees or ask for input from women of color about programming for women and for people of color generally. Moses (1989) makes four concrete suggestions: (a) develop courses on African American women, (b) hold conferences for faculty and students on issues of importance to African American women, (c) provide faculty workshops on how to include material in their courses on African American women, and (d) train student service providers how to address not only racial and sexual issues but issues of concern for African American women and women of color.
            As colleges and universities strive to do a better job in addressing the psychosocial needs of their ethnic minority students, administrators and policy makers must consider the complexity of their student body. Identifying and addressing only one aspect of a student's life is a piecemeal approach that leaves students feeling fractured and defensive. Taking a more holistic approach to resources, curriculum, and services will go a long way in supporting students throughout their psychological, social, and academic development in college.
 
Lisa R. Jackson is Assistant Professor of Developmental Psychology at Boston College.


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